C: Gript

We know all about the “For Roysh” but what about the far left who invented the term?

Amidst all the current hysteria regarding the “far right” what has been demonstrated once again is the minimal influence which the far left has among working class communities. Despite most of their key activists being full time on the tax payer tab, as members of the paid staff of the TDs and councillors who fit that description, or more usually within the multibillion NGO complex, they have signally failed to “confront” much less put a stop to the growing protests.

Their claim that the “ruling class” is sinisterly manipulating the protestors is rendered pathetic by the facts regarding who funds all these “revolutionaries” and by the clear evidence that, as with all the other key issues in this country over the past 20 years, the far left and the parties that have been in power all share the same basic positions, be that in relation to abortion, draconian lockdowns, or mass immigration.

Indeed, if you listen to Simon Harris or any other Minister, or follow the narrative as transmitted through mainstream media, it is the same one that has been invented by the state, EU and corporate funded leftist “observers” who have turned marginal figures on various social media sites into alleged masterminds.

We must be careful too to distinguish the far left from Sinn Féin. Some Sinn Féin activists and indeed some of their elected representatives, like the MLA who was happily photographed with a hammer and sickle coffee mug, may enjoy the iconography of the far left, and especially the retro glamour of Che and the Castro gang, but the reality is far different.

Not only is Sinn Féin not a socialist party economically, but its position on public utilities as voiced by Mary Lou McDonald recently is not even as radical as that of most European social democratic parties. And it is to the right of the “far right” French National Rally. It is a high tax liberal party with an interesting past.

That past provides it with a lingering air of edginess that forms a not insignificant part of its appeal to working class voters in Dublin and elsewhere. The sort of people who would seem to represent the greatest number of those taking part in the protests against the accommodation centres. The same sort of people who protested against drug dealers, water charges, and, in some cases, the consequences of the lockdown.

Which explains Sinn Féin’s ambiguous attitude towards the protests. It may resent the difficult questions that it poses for itself in electoral terms, and some of its elected representatives have joined in the abuse of protestors in East Wall, Killarney and other places, but there is not a chance that the Shinners will either “confront” protestors in places like Finglas or Drimnagh nor will they sponsor the sort of student union gimmick that took place in Drogheda last weekend in any of their heartlands.

And if they don’t, then it will not happen. Just as the whole myth upon which the “anti fascist” left bases itself – fighting the “fash” in the 1930s – was never more than an ephemeral thing because the vast majority of radical republicans were either sympathetic to the other side of the arguments on Spain and Communism or resented the attempt by the Communists and their sympathisers such as Peadar O’Donnell to hijack the IRA into the service of Stalin.

The “anti-fascist” struggle of the early 1930s was a postscript to the Civil War as republicans of all strains from Fianna Fáil to the IRA, and Free Staters who supported Cumann na nGaedhael, which merged with the Blueshirts to form Fine Gael in 1933, took to the streets to settle old scores.

Many republicans regarded the election of Fianna Fáil as providing a green light for vengeance and many Free Staters feared that this might be the case, or in a small number of cases maybe thought seriously about forcing the new party out of power.  Whatever it was about it was nothing to do with what the then tiny far left Communist Party imagined it might be, or that the current far left imagines it to have been.

Central to that myth is the Spanish Civil War when around 250 Irish men joined the Comintern’s International Brigade. The best known of these was Frank Ryan, but an indication of the level of public support enjoyed by Ryan and other former IRA members who were either expelled or resigned from the IRA is that when he stood in the 1937 general election, with the support of the Republican Congress and the Communist Party, he received just 1.5% of the votes.

Curiously in the context of the current protests, a song later made famous by Ronnie Drew, and published by the Communist Party The Worker in October 1936, refers to “Franco’s Moors” – those being the black north African soldiers that formed part of Franco’s army, and Allah guarding the sky for the German Condor bombers.

Ryan later ended up in Nazi Germany where he agreed to be a part of an ill-conceived Abwehr adventure involving the IRA. Ironically while the man who was to travel back to Ireland with him on a German U boat, Seán Russell, has long been the target of far left attacks, including on his statue in Fairview, Ryan’s adventurism both under the sponsorship of Stalinist fronts and then the Nazis remains above interrogation.

It ought also be recalled that Ryan’s “escape” into Abwehr custody took place during the 1939-1941 alliance between the two evil totalitarian powers when the Gestapo and NKVD were involved in a whole series of prisoner exchanges and other schemes to thwart any military resistance to the German armies after the fall of France, just weeks before Ryan was delivered to the Nazis.

The far left in Ireland fared no better after World War II. Far from people being deluded by clerical and “McCarthyite” smears, Irish readers were well informed regarding what was taking place in the Soviet Union and in the countries occupied by the Red Army after 1945. On May 1, 1949 the Dublin Trades Council and Labour Party organised a march whose main theme was support for the Hungarian Cardinal József Mindszenty who had opposed the Nazi collaborationists before being arrested and tortured by the Communists. He spent most of the next 30 years either in prison or in hiding.

When the Communist Party attempted to collect signatures for one of Stalin’s dubious “peace” initiatives they were chased out of Cabra. Far from being the bearers of light for human freedom and science, Irish communists defended the theories of Russian geneticist Trofim Lysenko who believed that it was possible to breed environmentally conditioned mice by cutting the tails off the mice from which they were bred.

Meanwhile, the same online People Before Profit journal that published Paul Murphy’s pleas for the NGOs to earn their few bob and “confront” the nasty racist scobes also carries a piece wondering how the “eco socialist” left can undermine the same skangers’ faith in “bourgeois democracy.” With much reference to the “lessons” of the Bolshevik coup that overthrew Russia’s first, and left leaning, democratic government in 1917. The last one until the Bolsheviks were driven from power by a real popular manifestation. But do not despair, opportunities will continue to present themselves. Perhaps through “something like civilisational collapse caused by climate change.”

How the revolution will not come about, clearly, is by addressing the concerns of the people who the NGO far left intends to liberate. Whether they like it or not, as the hundreds of millions of their victims to date might testify, had they survived socialism.

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