Credit: Marco Maisano / Scop.io

NGO says deportation is a form of ‘brutal racism’. This is nonsense.

In the five years from 2014 to 2018, a total of 4,821 Deportation Orders were imposed on non-EU nationals found to be illegally residing within the state. Of course, this does not mean that anything like that number then went on to leave the state.  

Because while Deportation Orders do create a legal obligation on the person involved; to a great extent it is entirely up to the individual to voluntarily comply.
It should be said that Ireland is not unique in operating such a system. Most European states do likewise.

But as to how many actually ‘self-deported’ following an Order from the state; well that is something that not even the Minister for Justice can tell you.

In fact, one such former Minister, Charlie Flanagan put it on the record of the Dáil that “as exit checks from the State are not in use, it is not possible to indicate with any degree of precision the numbers who may be in this category but all the available evidence suggests that the number is likely to be considerable.”

What that evidence was and how it allowed him to make such an assertion he did not say. What he did say was that when it comes to ‘Enforced Orders’ for deportation the data is a bit more precise.

We know for example that during the same period of 2014-2018 a total of 1,096 people were physically removed from the state with the assistance of the Garda National Immigration Bureau (GNIB) and that these were only carried out “as a last resort” and after all legal options had been exhausted.

The Deportation Order process itself usually involves the person being sent what is termed a ‘section 3 letter.’ This letter provides 3 options and a deadline of 15 days within which to respond. The three options are;

  • Consent to a Deportation Order
  • Leave the State voluntarily within a certain period
  • Submit a Humanitarian Leave to Remain application

According to Anti-Deportation Ireland, the majority of people opt to make humanitarian representations to the Minister outlining why they should be granted leave to remain in the state with processing times for an application taking up to several years.

It is also worth noting in detail that in each individual case, the representations that are submitted are examined having regard to eleven factors:

  • the age of the person,
  • the duration of residence in the State of the person,
  • the family and domestic circumstances of the person,
  • the nature of the person’s connection with the State, if any,
  • the employment (including self-employment) record of the person,
  • the employment (including self-employment) prospects of the person,
  • the character and conduct of the person both within and (where relevant and ascertainable) outside the State (including any criminal convictions),
  • humanitarian considerations,
  • any representations duly made by or on behalf of the person,
  • the common good,
  • and considerations of national security and public policy.

In addition to this, as a Department of Justice spokesperson has confirmed, every person served with a notification of intention to deport, following an asylum refusal or because they were illegally present in the state, can avail of “free flights and a small financial grant to help them get re-established in their home country. Those who qualify for the scheme can get €600 per individual or €1,000 per family to support “reintegration” through training or business grants.”

So, while there can be no doubt that the deportation process is fraught with complexity, and open to challenge on humanitarian grounds, is it really possible to describe it as a ‘racist state practice’?

Well, according to Le Chéile, the left’s latest addition to an already overcrowded NGO arena, this is exactly what the deportation process is.

Indeed, Le Chéile share the view that it is a targeted and “brutal form of state racism” and one that it “opposes” and “abhors.”  The clarification of Le Chéile’s position emerged recently on Facebook.

Would it be churlish to point out that many of the NGO’s who make up Le Chéile continue to receive lavish and regular injections of cash from the coffers of this self-same ‘racist state’?

In fact, as Gript has also previously highlighted, a great many of those groups who accuse the State of “institutionalised racism” gets most of their funding from the State and could not survive without it.

I doubt any of this disturbs the serenity of their consciences; but how could it, when they must be so preoccupied with laughing all the way to the bank and taking the state for a ride.

 

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