As reported here last month, the number of applications for “international protection” for asylum seekers to Ireland has fallen due to the Covid restrictions, but not to the extent to which it might have been expected given that overall international travel had fallen more sharply than the numbers of people arriving here to apply for residency. 

In any event, the number of applications has continued to rise with a further 194 people having lodged applications in the months of October and November, bringing the total to 1,406 for the year.  As pointed out previously much of the large decline has been due to the fall-off in applications from Albanians and Georgians. One hopes there is not some institutionalised racism against eastern Europeans on the basis of their skin colour?

Many migrants must now be clued into the fact that applying in Ireland is now virtually a bet to nothing with the state basically saying that deportations are only going to take place in rare circumstances. And even proposed deportations will be disputed by the tax-funded array of NGO special pleaders and their legal retainers who have already claimed to have a list of at least 17,000 illegal immigrants who Minister for Justice McEntee has intimated will be treated with favour.

Hence, the steady stream of people applying here from Nigeria, Pakistan, South Africa, Somalia and Zimbabwe, which accounted for over 40% of the applications since September 30th and 40% of the total for the year. Gone it seems are the Syrians and even Libyans and others who were claimed to be the vast bulk of those wishing to come here. And with a lot more plausible reason perhaps at first glance.

You would have to admire the persistency of most of the above given the huge rate of rejections for asylum seekers from Nigeria, South Africa and Zimbabwe for example, as instanced by the International Protection Office data for 2018.  Why any self-respecting leftie here would support a South African’s claim to be persecuted in a country run by their soul brothers in the African National Congress in itself remains a mystery.


But of course, just getting here is the goal given the fact that you are ever unlikely to be deported even if it is decided that your asylum claim is bogus. And there is the legal left and asylum industry NGO’s equivalent of an 1840s California gold stake that is the International Protection Office Tribunal, and the myriad Dickensian paths of appeal.

The 2019 Report of the IPO Tribunal makes interesting reading.  For anyone curious as to how the process operates and how the rate of rejection nowhere near tallies with the amount of people sent back to where they originated, it sheds some light on procedures. Some of the reasons why so many clearly tenuous applicants remain here for so long, or for good, are outlined.

While the Tribunal claims to reach a decision on an appeal within 170 working days, that in no way covers the actual amount of time between arrival here, application, initial hearing, appeals, possible judicial review and further appeals against deportation orders assuming they are ever issued. And of course, now, whether the state even bothers processing them.

Which begs the questions as to why bother at all with the Bleak House Chancery charade in the first place if everyone now is basically being presented with a Get Out Of Direct Provision Centre and into your local authority house card? Much of the answer to that of course is contained in the report.  It’s the immigration economy stupid. Follow the money.

And substantial money it is too. According to the Tribunal Report, between 2008 and 2019, the legal costs just for the Tribunal came to €28,459,726. And bear in mind that this does “not include the legal costs of the state” (p33) which of course also come from the pockets of the citizens.

Apart from that there is the almost €4 million non legal costs of running the Tribunal, of which over half is paid out in wages and salaries. Nor do the legal costs include the €992,231 which separately accrued to the members of the Tribunal who are also of course all legal persons (p20.). There were 69 full and part time members of the Tribunal in 2019, and 57 members received the fees in 2019. That works out at an average payment of  €17,407.

That doesn’t give as full a picture, however, as the average fee per decision. That worked out at €514 and 42 cents for each of the 1944 decisions made in 2019. When you take into account that you can trouser €1,460 for one single oral hearing representing a spouse and partner, it is not to be sniffed at. It is certainly the best argument I have heard in support of diversity and multiculturalism.

On top of that you have the NGOs who are state funded, and all the other costs including accommodation, social welfare and so on. It is no wonder at all that the legal profession and their political representatives and NGO apparatchiks are so anxious to keep the migrant gravy train running. Illegal migrants might be a drain on the economy overall, but they are a prize winning milch cow for the sanctimonious left.

Parts of the report regarding the substance of judicial reviews of Tribunal decisions are worth reading. In one case, an appeal of a Tribunal decision to reject an application from an two Nigerian citizens was rejected by the High Court. Their legal team had argued that “The Tribunal should have considered the issue of membership of a particular social group, ie homeless and destitute children in Nigeria.”(p112/3.)  It begs the question as to how “homeless and destitute” people manage to make it all the way from Nigeria to Ireland?

Are there, perhaps, homeless Irish people roaming the beaches of Mauritius and Bali seeking asylum from the mean streets of Dublin?