Longhouse is a term used to describe a society that is gynocentric: lacking in privacy and personal liberty, in which one is constantly forced to share their living space with others, where compliance is forced through a hectoring social complex of media, policy, and elite institutional pressure.
Longhousing is what happens when the longhouse model of living and social conditions is enforced on unwilling communities.
The social resources of a community are marshalled for this enforcement to solve the accommodation problems prioritized by central planners. Its results include ghettos, open air drug scenes, rising crime, social breakdown, and social alienation.
In the longhouse, nobody has privacy. Or safety, when this state of communal living gets out of hand. In the longhouse, people are forced towards communal living, and their communities which may have existed under the paradigm of social and private spaces shifts in nature to being a shared space managed by a hectoring managerial class who, most frequently, don’t even live there.
These days, of course, only lower-income neighbourhoods are longhoused. The people who push these policies get to keep their private spaces and get to put exclusivity zones around themselves. They also get to run the programs that “deal” with all the social problems that flourish as a result of social engineering.
Nobody has a veto on who lives besides them, says Minister Roderick O’Gorman. This is, of course, untrue, as explained by my colleague Matt Treacy who showed that some of the same political parties who spout this nonsense have often vetoed new tenants who might have brought crime or additional difficulties to an already over-burdened neighbourhood.
The truth is that landlord’s vet their prospective tenants as a matter of course. And the good denizens of Ballsbridge went to court to ensure they had a veto on who lived besides them. No asylum centres in that leafy suburb.
But it seems all too possible that the Minister might be just following orders directed from extra-national authority. Perhaps the Irish government don’t get a say in who they have to house. That’s why we have Ministers quoting EU directives and UN guidelines – and even exaggerating the scope of those directives.
Recent communications between Government departments, obtained under FOI request, show that the government are scrambling for places to jam in the expected deluge of new arrivals. These documents show that buses, tens, cruise liners, car parks, train stations, are being considered.
Extraordinary. FOI'd emails obtained by Dispatch from Gov depts reveal that old buses, car parks, a train station in Dunboyne, nursing homes, old boats, cruise ships, and the Polefield Site in East Wall all considered for asylum accommodation. @griptmediahttps://t.co/OFo1Hn9YuR
— David Mullins🧐 (@Mullins77David) January 31, 2023
The reason for this scrambling and chaos, and effective longhousing, seems to be that the Irish government will accept 180,000 migrants, and they don’t know how to say no. The documents showed that senior civil servants, in considering where to house migrants and refugees said that “compulsion may be required,” specifically in relation to “gathering holiday homes”.
Who are these new arrivals and what obligation is there for the Irish state to house them?
The assumption is they are all Ukrainians fleeing the terrible war that Irish European Parliament members like Billy Kelleher and others seem keen to continue.
And yet it still seems clear that huge numbers of these new arrivals understand that its possible to destroy their documentation before they arrive in the country. They have obviously come to the conclusion that those governing the Irish, who increasingly seem like a Mamluk class administering on behalf of foreign powers, don’t want to sort between those actually fleeing war and those who are not.
Why? After all they claim that this is a humanitarian response to a present war, and yet they don’t seem interested in differentiating between those actually fleeing a war and those who seem to be on a benefit tour.
It is nonsense to argue that these arrangements are being made primarily with consideration to the needs of the Irish public – you know, the people who the Irish political class is elected to supposedly represent.
And so we are in the present position of longhousing the working class areas of Dublin and every small town in Ireland.
In the longhouse people are crammed into communal spaces, their private life becomes public, when necessary people are put sleeping besides strangers. The longhouse is the policy determined result of global scale equity. Others need what your community has and so it must be taken and given to them.
The instinctive reaction that we have seen from working class communities all over Dublin has proven correct. Ireland’s political class has indeed promised that Ireland will take on a massive influx of people and will post them around the country. As with most political decisions made in Ireland the decision to do this had nothing to do with serving the interests of the Irish public.
The new aspect of longhousing in Ireland over the past few months is enforced by “caring” policies, but, as noted above, for some reason Ballsbridge was never longhoused. The courts agreed that it shouldn’t be and it will be a cold day in hell before it will be. Ditto Dalky, Terenure, and the other side of the Navan road to the Tolka, ie. Castleknock.
In fact, if one were to go on Daft and find the areas in Ireland where the median home is priced above 600K it is safe to say you would have the zones that will never be longhoused. The people of East Wall, Ballymun, Listowel and elsewhere are rightfully asking why this is the case.
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