Despite the unbridled europhilia and americanised attitudes of our leaders, Ireland’s diplomatic corps hold a surprising amount of social capital in the Global South. Irish Aid, through its work across Africa, the Middle East, and South-East Asia, has positively shaped Ireland’s diplomatic footprint in developing countries for decades. As a flagship programme of the Department of Foreign Aff airs (DFA), Irish Aid receives an annual budget to the tune of €810 million, yet despite large coffers and lavish spending, Ireland’s third-worldist foreign policy fails to achieve our national interests.
In many cases, Irish actions on the world stage are contradictory, for example, in 2022, Irish Aid provided Ethiopia with at least €40 million in humanitarian aid. Irish diplomatic officials were expelled from Ethiopia that same year after Ireland vocally denounced the Ethiopian government at the United Nations for alleged human rights abuses during its suppression of Tigrayan separatist militia groups. Ireland has partnered with Ethiopia since 1994 to assist its humanitarian development, with large portions of our international aid targeting the Tigray region.
In 2022 I attended a Young Fine Gael event at University College Dublin, where a then, Fine Gael Minister spoke of his meetings with high-ranking Ethiopian government officials. Known for their hostility towards Western leaders, the Minister was shocked to find Ethiopia’s leadership thought fondly of Ireland, largely due to the humanitarian legacy of Irish Catholic missionaries.
The same Fine Gael Minister expressed his bewilderment at the expulsion of Irish diplomats from that country, as if he were not aware of Ireland’s belligerency at the UN Security Council, or the alleged misappropriation of Irish Aid funds in Tigray.
The irresponsible attitude of the Irish government towards Ireland’s relationships with countries abroad has cost the country many opportunities for investment or influence. This attitude, as expressed by the aforementioned Fine Gael Minister, largely thinks of Ireland’s international aid programme as a way to make Ireland appear generous.
When I enquired as to whether Ireland obtains diplomatic influence with these countries, or leverages its humanitarian aid sector in order to facilitate stronger trade relationships with countries in the Global South, the Minister responded with a simple answer that we do not.
As tensions rise between states in the Horn of Africa, Irish foreign policy in the region finds itself unmoored, and directionless. It is unfortunate that such events have come to pass, as Ireland very well could have fashioned itself a conflict mediator in the region. Instead it appears Ireland has relegated its position in the region to that of a pretend peacemaker and an irresponsible spender.
However, Ethiopia is not the only developing country where Irish foreign policy falls short. Many countries across the Global South hold great adoration of Ireland, ranging from South America to South Africa, we have strong positive historical ties across the developing world.
Irish support for Palestine is a critical example of the country’s failure to capitalise upon potential opportunities. Though some Western countries have begun to isolate Ireland for its diplomatic hostility towards Israel, and there are a great many arguments as to why Ireland’s national interests are served better by remaining silent on the issue, many countries in the Global South strongly identify with Palestine. It is convenient for Irish diplomatic influence with such countries, that Ireland has accidentally developed reliable social capital on an issue which many feel strongly about.
Chinese foreign policy has pursued a largely supportive attitude towards Palestine, in attempt to bolster China’s credibility as an anti-colonial power amidst massive Belt and Road Initiative investment into African infrastructure and resource extraction. Ireland has earned enough diplomatic kudos to upscale its investment in African economies through partnerships with global leaders, but it appears the pinnacle of Irish-African investment will remain the Nigerian Guinness brewing facilities for some time to come.
South Africa, though its currency is in tatters, holds vast swathes of untapped mineral rich land. State-sponsored mining ventures would be to the mutual benefit of the Irish and South African economies, and would bolster Ireland’s credibility in the developing world as an investment partner.
The EU’s Mercosur deal is set to damage Irish agriculture, and despite our generous donations to improve the quality of life across the world, why is it that Ireland is unable to leverage its purse-strings to protect its economic interests? Through well-funded aid programmes, and a positive cultural reputation, Ireland could have held enough influence in South America to position itself as one of the EU’s interlocuters with Mercosur. Similarly, India has become increasingly important to European economic interests in recent years through the opening of new trade corridors and its expanding role in energy diplomacy, yet Ireland has not capitalised upon the country’s adoration of Irish history.
The lack of foresight and investment into Ireland’s bilateral relationships has tragically cost the country many opportunities, but it is not too late. It is to our eternal benefit that Ireland is well liked for its cultural soft power rather than any perception of reliability or competence, as many of these lucrative niches remain open.
Adopting a closer relationship with China and the third-world would prove controversial with the U.S. State Department, but Ireland must leverage its privileged position between the Western and developing world. It would be foolish for Ireland not to hedge its bets as the world order changes, are Ireland could find itself taking on an important role which may benefit the interests of the EU as a whole.
Ireland is, at the end of the day seen by others as a small island nation on the periphery of Europe, isolated from international conflict, the gateway between Europe and the Atlantic, with a colonial history, a large diaspora, and a modern economy. With an English-speaking population, its membership of the EU, and lack of any military alliance, Ireland has the precise endemic qualities that allow for great freedom of action to cooperate with different power blocs in a multipolar system.
It is possible for Ireland to have a Western foreign policy track, and another for the Global South, yet Irish leaders are failing to implement either.
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Max Keating is a student of history and politics at University College Dublin. He is currently studying on exchange at Sciences Po Strasbourg.